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Lect:
Catalan-Valencian-Balear
latitude,longitude:
42,1
Patterns [ 5 ] Attributes Syllables [ 2 ] Sources [ 10 ] Words [ 13 ]
Stress Type Pattern Description Notes View
Pattern Name Word Size Pattern Kind
primary
STCSPC
U/P12/2R
 ≥1 syllable dominant
secondary
STCSPC
AbsentAbsent
 ≥1 syllable dominant
in_toto In progress ≥1 syllable dominant
exceptional Exceptional (Catalan-Valencian-Balear) ≥1 syllable exceptional
compound Compound_all compounds_weak-strong ≥1 syllable compound

No attributes associated with this lect.

Syllable Parameters [ 2 ] Syllabic Template Weight
br_onsets: yes
closed_syll: yes

No syllabic template information for this lect.

No syllabic weight information for this lect.

1981 Hayes, Bruce. 1981. A metrical theory of stress rules. 1980. Ph.D. thesis, MIT.
59: Stress falls on the rightmost heavy rhyme, there is no secondary stress. (Hayes 1980:59)
1978 Mascaro, J. (1978). Catalan Phonology and the Phonological Cycle. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, MIT Cambridge, Massachusetts, Distributed by the IULC.
1979 Wheeler, M. (1979). Phonology of Catalan, Basil Blackwell, Oxford.
35: The position of the stressed vowel can always be predicted by the rule within verbs. In other cases it is usually the vowel preceding the last segment (discounting such morphs as /+s/ plural) that receives stress.. (Wheeler 1979:35)
36-40: Nouns/Adv: [+syll] -->[+stress]/_Co { [+syll,+high] + V } (+C) # [+ segment]Verbs: [+syll] --> [+stress]/_Co (+segment) (+[-vocal,+cor,-distr]) #. (Wheeler 1979:36-40)
47: post-palatal [pòssp@l@tál]Compound words whose parts are themselves lexical category items have, with a few exceptions, a stressed vowel in each part, the rightmost stress of the whole being the primary stress.aiguardent [àjgw@rthén] "kind of liquor" aigua "water"ardent "burning" (Wheeler 1979:47)
53: A number of prefixes, which do not appear as free forms, receive secondary stress. eg. anti-, arxi-, circum-, ex-, inter-, meta-, post-, paleo-, pseudo-, semi-, sots- (under).. (Wheeler 1979:53)
1988 Wheeler, M. (1988). Catalan. In M.Harris & N. Vincent (eds.) The Romance Languages. Routledge, London.
  Fabra, P. (1897). Æ’tude de phonologie catalane. Revue Hispanique 4: 5-30.
1956 Fabra, P. (1956 [1912]) Gramàtica catalana. Teide, Barcelona.
1982 Gulsoy, J. (1982). Catalan. Trends in Romance Linguistics and Philology 3, 189-296. Mouton, The Hague.
1992 Hualde, J.I. (1992). Catalan. Routledge, London & New York.
  Roca, I. (forthc.) Stress in the Romance Languages. To appear as chapter 10 in H.G. van der Hulst (ed.) Word Prosodic Systems in the Languages of Europe. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin.
  Roca, I. (forthc.) Stress in the Romance Languages. To appear as ch.10 in H. van der Hulst (ed.) Word Prosodic Systems in the Languages of Europe. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin.
  In words without a desinence it is possible to have stress on the penult if the final syllable is closed, although this pattern must be considered marked in alle the Romance languages. Vowel-ending desinenceless words are usually stressed on the ultima. In words with a desinence the unmarked pattern is for the penultimate syllable to be stressed even when it is open (i.e. light). To explain this pattern one could postulate an accenting rule affecting the rightmost metrical element. This procedure will yield stem-final stress irrespective of the lightness of that syllable. Stem prefinal stress can be derived by means of a lexical exception marking in the appropriate form, since in the absence of stem-final accenting a leftheaded binary foot is created. Stem-final stress is obligatory when the stem-final consonant is a palatal. In verbs stress has become morphologised. (Roca forthc.)
ˈmoskəs flies n.
ˈanim a soul
paˈʕawlə word
camˈpan a bell
bəˈrɛts hats
merˈce mercy
ˈperdua loss
eleˈfan elephant
əstəlˈβiə saves
bəˈʔiəs you sg. vary
uˈagrima tear
ˈhabitat habitat
esˈpecimen specimen